Stay order on farm laws followed by Republic Day violence: Supreme Court must take notice of malignantly growing anarchy; Judiciary must avoid manipulation by anarchists in the name of dissent

It would be euphemistic to state that millions were taken by surprise when the Supreme Court of India decided to stay the implementation of the constitutionally passed three farm bills introduced by the Modi government. 

Shocked, rather than surprised, would perhaps be a more befitting expression - as some may like to put it - after the Apex Court temporarily laid off the reformist agricultural laws that have evoked a caustic anarchist movement in India backed by extremists and the left-liberal lobby. 

In effect, the Government of India is forbidden for the time being from proceeding with any executive actions to enforce the three laws: The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act and The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act. 

Be that as it may, the flip side to the Supreme Court’s take - calling its stay order “extraordinary” and a “victory for fair play” - on a matter that has escalated rather acrimoniously in the last couple of months, a majority public mood finds itself in favour of the new agricultural laws. Not to mention that the ongoing ruckus and blackmail is an absolute travesty of the farmers’ movement. 

image source : livelaw.in

The bona fide Indian intelligentsia with a nationalistic leaning is worried about the onset of a vicious pattern following the anarchist camp’s attempt to portray the SC’s decision as a vindication of their demands and the victory of their so-called protest. So does this signal the ushering in of a new era in which any progressive law passed by the Parliament will be forced to get a nod from the judiciary merely because certain legislation is not palatable to the agents of self-serving propaganda?… Should it become a pattern, it would be unbecoming for the world’s biggest democracy. 

Whether it is appropriate for experts and commentators to question or criticise the judiciary’s wisdom on the farm laws is debatable. But it is significant to understand the series of events that led to such unprecedented rancour on the borders of the national capital due to which the highest court of the country may be have deemed it right to shelve the legislation for now to ensure public harmony. The devil, as they say, is in the detail and one simply cannot afford to overlook these details which reek of deceit and duplicity. 

A sham agitation sponsored and supported by the left-liberal lobby, the united anti-Modi opposition and the Khalistani extremists which was subsequently echoed by the Award-Wapsi brigade left no stone unturned to accomplish the malicious job of holding the government to ransom in a chaotic display of obstinacy and intimidation. So much so that the protesting farmers' groups such as the Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM) refused to participate in any proceedings of an appointed committee to resolve the crisis over the three farm laws, as suggested by the Supreme Court. 

Republic Day mayhem

For weeks the clouds of a potentially disruptive tractor rally, organised by agitating farmers’ groups and meant to bring New Delhi to a standstill on Republic Day, hovered over the national capital. On the day, absolute mayhem unfolded on the streets of Delhi and its borders. Scores of tractors, carrying hundreds of mobsters brandishing swords and rods, broke barricades and invaded into prohibited zones in New Delhi. Policemen were attacked and public property was damaged. There was pandemonium everywhere. 

It is as audacious as it is ridiculous that the demonic ambassadors of anarchy could muster the courage to threaten India on a day that marks the very identity and essence of this country. This naked display of criminality by the so-called peaceful protestors on India’s Republic Day is a watershed moment. It is an open provocation to India and the Indian Government. What can be more disconcerting than witnessing a section of the country’s own people jeopardising their own Republic Day in a bid to continue blackmailing the government into accepting their unreasonable and egotistical demands?

image source : opindia.com

Therefore, at the cost of sounding preachy, one could argue that the morbid Shaheen Bagh developments up to the progressing farmers’ agitation/anarchist chaos beckon the courts of the country to take note of the unabated spread of anarchist movements in India. The looming fear is that with a gamut of reformist laws, just like the farm laws, expected to be introduced by the Modi government in near future - the leftist-extremist lobby could see misusing the judiciary as a catalyst to realise their malicious goals. A dangerous pattern has emerged in the post-Shaheen Bagh anti-CAA era by virtue of which propagandists expect undue latitude from the judiciary and see it as a vindication of their “right to dissent”, even if the dissent is based on flimsy grounds.

The idea behind the above argument is not to suggest that the Indian judiciary is vulnerable to connivance and chicanery. But it cannot be denied that when a propagandist movement - masquerading as a peoples’ protest - gains momentum by garnering support through fake emotional appeal, it may deliver an undue impact even on the greatest and the brightest of legal minds engaged in finding a relevant solution that puts the acrimony to rest and ceases the stalemate between the government and the agitators. The last thing this nation wants is the employment of indirect pressure tactics to manipulate the judiciary. 

The lobby, which has been shooting off the protesting farmers’ shoulders, has been relentless in its effort to present the Supreme Court’s stay order as an affirmation of their ‘farm laws brought by the Government of India are anti-farmer in nature’ theory. Although nothing could be further from the truth as the Supreme Court’s stay order has nothing to do with the constitutionality or legality of the farm laws, the situation has only deteriorated since then. 

image source : indiatvnews.com

In the aftermath of Republic Day violence at the hands of the anarchists, it will be interesting to see whether the Supreme Court takes suo moto cognizance of the matter and keeps a tab on the perpetration of violent activities by the agitators, as normality has not restored at all following the Apex Court’s stay order on the farm laws. The situation could escalate in the coming days after an announcement made by the protesting groups to march to the Parliament on February 1. 

Those who cherish the idea of a stable India, a reformist and a nationalistic India - expect the Supreme Court and the higher courts of India to lend attention to the great disservice being done to Constitutional practices through protests which are choreographed to destabilise the government and undermine the sanctity of the Parliament.  

 

Ahead of the Legislative Assembly polls, this is an opportune period for the Modi govt to strengthen the nationalistic wave and target historic electoral achievements in J&K

Arguably the biggest political vindication of the otherwise tumultuous 2020 was the emergence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as the single largest party in the recently concluded Jammu and Kashmir District Development Council (DDC) elections. 

It took 17 months after the scrapping of the erstwhile J&K state’s absurdly special status for the democratic process of elections at the civic level to return to the new union territory of J&K.

For the separatists in Kashmir, the leftist lobby in New Delhi and the pseudo-secular club spread across India, who had prophesied BJP’s drubbing in the DDC polls, the reality check came in the most glorious manner possible. It was an egg-in-the-face moment for the wily proponents of the restoration of Article 370. Hence, a political vindication for the Modi government’s momentous August 5, 2019 decision.  

image source : ANI

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of Naya Kashmir has gone from strength to strength since the revocation of the discriminatory law and the bifurcation of the former state of J&K into two UTs - J&K and Ladakh. The advent of a new era of hope has majorly contributed to the rise of a strong nationalistic wave in the UT of J&K and the BJP’s stellar performance in the DDC polls, which is a shot in the arm for the resurgent nationalist movement in J&K, is testimony to it. 

Not only has the region amalgamated into the Indian mainstream constitutionally, but it is now also witnessing a remarkable catharsis with the baggage of separatism slowly but steadily losing weight and a spirit of nationalism taking over. This is not to suggest that the entire Kashmiri populace has wholeheartedly accepted India’s unambiguous sovereignty over the region. The gulf still exists but it is narrowing down like never before, which is reflected in the civic poll results. 

The DDC polls have traced a smooth-sailing and largely peaceful journey after J&K received its new identity in August 2019. The cozy partnership of anti-nationals and secessionists, the anti-Modi political class and the India-bashing international media had predicted mayhem and bloodbath on the streets of Kashmir if Article 370 were to be dumped by the Government of India. As pleasant as it sounds, it was the exact opposite that happened and the valley has seen some of the most tranquil times in recent history after the abrogation of Article 370. Barring the killings of some grass-root level political workers and leaders, primarily those belonging to the BJP, zero incidents of stone-pelting and other forms of violence in Kashmir have ensured peace in a way never seen before. 

A conspicuous picture of democratic normality in J&K has emerged courtesy of the two historic democratic events (Article 370 revocation and DDC elections) that have taken place between August 2019 and December 2020, indicative of a future of political clarity and stability in the region within the sacrosanct framework of the Indian Constitution. The two events have created the perfect platform for the Legislative Assembly elections, expected to be held sometime in 2021, to define the course for J&K and push it along the path of growth and development. Principally, what the DDC polls verdict coming in the favour of the BJP has done is that it has established that with regard to the nationalism vs separatism battle, the former stands miles ahead with the UT approaching the forthcoming Legislative Assembly elections.  

On the back of the DDC elections, the writing on the wall is clear. The era of an appeased Kashmir and an ignored Jammu is over. J&K is now seen as one entity comprised of two equally important regions, unlike in the past. The growing revival of Jammu as a region of political vibrancy is due to a nationalistic undercurrent that rewarded the BJP handsomely in the civic polls. BJP’s stellar performance in Jammu and the fact that the party was able to make strong inroads in Kashmir is a telltale sign of things to come. Despite the unholy Gupkar alliance managing to amass big numbers in the DDC polls, it is apparent that the supremacist demeanour of the Kashmiri secessionists has been dented.

A renewed political direction

The moot question is: what does the future hold for J&K and where does the region’s politics go from here?… In all probability, a positive phase beckons. Indian nationalists can draw comfort from the fact that pro-India developments in the last two years have left physical and ideological secessionist strongholds in Kashmir dispirited. These developments have also allowed all nationalists - especially the BJP on the political front - to consolidate themselves in J&K fundamentally, both on the political and ideological fronts. Therefore, emerging as the single largest party in the Legislative Assembly polls or, in the best-case scenario, forming the government will be the real game-changer in the process of building Naya Kashmir. 

However, the journey before J&K goes to the polls again is equally as significant, if not more. BJP stealing the show in the DDC elections has made it incumbent upon the party and the Modi government to give J&K a renewed political direction, which will happen only if the BJP manages to form the first government in the UT in the post Article 370 revocation era. 

image source : financialexpress.com

Meanwhile, one of the greatest challenges that J&K faces in the run-up to the Assembly elections is the security situation of regional political workers and leaders, particularly from the BJP, which leaves much to be desired. From the cold-blooded murder of Kashmiri Pandit Sarpanch Ajay Pandita Bharti in Anantnag in June 2020 to the assassination of BJP leader Sheikh Wasim Bari, along with his father and brother, in Bandipora in July 2020 - J&K has witnessed an unprecedented rise in the killings of political representatives in recent times. 

The need of the hour is for the Modi government to leave no stone unturned in creating an atmosphere of security and trust that bolsters uninhibited participation from democratic representatives at the rudimentary and higher levels. Not only will it help strengthen the fabric of the Indian democracy in J&K, but it will also impart more power to the region’s growing nationalistic spirit. 

Well begun is half done! And the BJP is off to more than just a good beginning, thanks to how well it fared in the civic polls. Hence, this is the most opportune time for the Modi government to bring about a holistic transformation in the political and security situation in J&K.

For anti-India forces, such as the Gupkar gang supported by the united opposition and the leftist lobby, to be rendered weaker against the nationalist voices, lives of political workers need to be safeguarded and the BJP must commit itself to make landmark electoral accomplishments. These two aspects must be covered in tandem and take central priority in the Modi government’s blueprint of Naya Kashmir. 

After anti-CAA protests, the ongoing farmers' agitation is an alarming indicator of the rapidly rising anarchist tendencies in India

 

An attempt to bring the nation to its knees, an attempt to establish anarchy in the country - this is what best defines the ongoing farcical agitation, touted as a farmers' movement. So deep-rooted are the nefarious motives behind this anti-government theatre that it can be called anything but an honest protest started and sustained by the farmers against the three farm laws introduced by the Modi government.

The antagonistic manner in which the choreographers of this so-called movement have hijacked the borders of Delhi and around is a grim reminder of the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests that rocked the national capital and several other Indian cities earlier this year, leading to a precarious law and order situation in the country. 

What is being projected as a collective display of dissent by the farmers against the reformist farm laws is in reality a murky yet macro reflection of the dubious Shaheen Bagh campaign, make no mistake, and what Shaheen Bagh was about is no secret at all. 

In the aftermath of the Shaheen Bagh showdown in February-March, the problem for all seasons that seems to have entangled India is the rapid rise of anarchist campaigns masquerading as movements of the Aam Aadmi backed by the self-proclaimed civil society, the wily leftist lobby and several extremist groups.  

image source : hindustantimes.com

Support from extremists 

The farmers' agitation received widespread support from pro-Khalistan outfits like Sikhs for Justice (SFJ) shortly after the Khalistan-sympathising Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau committed a diplomatic blunder by meddling in India’s internal matter through his statement that promised support to the protesting farmers. The ripples were soon visible in several major global cities such as London, Birmingham, Frankfurt, Toronto and Washington DC where Khalistani flags were openly waved and threats of closing the Indian consulates were issued if the demands of the Indian farmers were declined by the Government of India. 

Incidentally, 16 individuals from Canada, the US and the UK were recently chargesheeted by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) for their alleged involvement in sparking a campaign for the creation of Khalistan. Three among those accused were listed as terrorists by the Home Ministry of India. 

The picture could not be clearer. When extremist organisations that nurture the goal of breaking India lend their support to what is being referred to as an “indigenous movement”, it infers that the movement is fundamentally flawed and morally questionable. These protests have rendered a sense of deja vu, refreshing the memories of the anti-CAA protests in which Islamic fundamentalist groups and Hindu-haters massively pumped both spirit and logistics.

The lobby’s shenanigans 

India is witnessing an era wherein anti-administration stirs carrying leftist overtones find abundant appeal within celebrity circles - sportspersons and artists alike. As far as people such as Diljit Dosanjh, Vijender Singh and the like are concerned- one wonders whether they indulged in any intellectual research about the farm laws before recklessly taking a critical stand, merely because of the sentimental value attached to the protest which is predominantly centred in Punjab and Haryana. The celebrity photo opportunity has been used only to add a little bit of flavour to this misguided movement. 

On the other hand, there are self-proclaimed leftist scholars and the so-called civil society members such as Yogendra Yadav who pop out of nowhere and make flagrant attempts at stealing the spotlight by projecting themselves as the voice of the farmers. For people like Yogendra Yadav, who received an absolute drubbing in the 2014 Lok Sabha election and even ended up losing his security deposit, the only way to maintain relevance and stay in the news is to oppose everything under the sun that the Modi government brings to the table. 

It is fair to argue that amid a relentless endeavour to present the commotion at the Delhi borders as purely a farmers movement, the intervention by ill-informed celebrities and self-serving propagandists -coupled with the flabbergasting arrangements at protest sites entailing open theatres, foot massage facilities, makeshift gymnasiums, pizza langar and what not - has stamped the fact that forces conniving to destabilise the government’s developmental and reformist agenda are firing from the farmers’ shoulders. 

This agitation, fuelled by extremists and the anti-Modi political class on one side and the fake civil society and ignorant celebrities on the other, has become a travesty of the idea of ‘expressing dissent in a democracy’. 

image source : deccanherald.com

The nature and motive of the farmers' agitation and the anti-CAA/Shaheen Bagh protest may be different but how they have been carried out and the nature of the forces behind these upheavals is the same. 

This unfortunate and unpleasant inference drawn from the reality of the matter in no way amounts to the disparagement of the farmers of India or their cause. The Government of India has always pledged unconditional support to the Indian farmers and so has the right-thinking citizenry - irrespective of their political or ideological leanings. 

The grace and sensitivity with which the Modi government has tackled the ongoing crisis are commendable. Not a single episode of insult or intimidation of the protesting farmers at the hands of the Government of India has been recorded despite the administration and PM Modi himself found at the receiving end of threats, abuse and curse multiple times during the course of the agitation. On the contrary, the government, while upholding the benefits of the three farm laws, has maintained extraordinary composure and consistently maintained a stand that favours farmers' rights. 

With strong backing from extremist outfits, the leftist lobby comprising of the Congress party, other key UPA members and former allies of the BJP like Akali Dal, as well as pseudo activists, are using farmers as pawns in the game of anti-Modi advocacy in order to fallaciously link draconian attributes to the new laws which were framed to bring about agricultural reforms in the country. 

The concern, therefore, is the frequency at which anarchist campaigns have started to affect India. Camping on city roads and blocking highways to alienate one state from another is fast becoming a norm. This simply cannot be allowed to metamorphose into a sustained phenomenon aimed at destabilising the nation in the name of fake dissent.

The farmers' agitation seems to be far from over although it will ideally die down with time before eventually getting over. But should one anarchist campaign following another become a trend and challenging reformist laws passed by the parliament by holding the government to ransom turn into a habit, it will be detrimental to the stability and development of India. Hopefully, the Modi government is up to the task of putting an end to this menacing trend. 

Roshni Scam and DDC polls have left the separatist forces in Kashmir at their weakest and the moment of reckoning for Kashmiri people is now

The skeletons are fast tumbling out of the closet for the protagonists of the Gupkar alliance amid the ongoing District Development Council Elections (DDC) in Jammu and Kashmir - the first polls since the abrogation of Article 370 and bifurcation of the erstwhile state in August 2019 - which have recorded a healthy voter turnout in the initial few phases held so far. 

As the outrageous details of the multi-crore Roshni land scam in J&K continue to unfold in the public domain, it is yet another vindication of the fact those who claim to be the messiahs of the Kashmiri people are not only involved in a dangerous anti-India agenda but also stand neck-deep in corruption. 

Under the Roshni scheme, encroached land in the former state of J&K was meant to be regularised and hydroelectric projects in the region were to be funded by the money collected through the scheme. But according to several reports, the scheme only 

It was the Farooq Abdullah government in 2001 that introduced the Jammu and Kashmir State Land (Vesting of Ownership to Occupants) Act with a supposed vision to regularise unauthorised land occupation. Those who were considered to be in illegal possession of government land in J&K for decades were granted legal ownership rights by the state administration. By virtue of the new law, the state was thus able to legalise encroached spaces in exchange for a certain fee and the money raised through this process was promised to be utilised for the improvement of power generation in J&K, which is how the act came to be known as the Roshni Act. 

image source : dnaindia.com

Around Rs 25,000 crore were originally projected to be accumulated through the Roshni scheme. But according to several reports less than Rs 80 crore was raised through regularisation of more than 75,000 acres of land in J&K. 

However, it was in 2014 and thereafter that auditory agencies such as the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) claimed that the regularisation of encroached properties was done at throwaway rates, thereby leading to an abuse of the Roshni Act. After the BJP-PDP alliance broke in 2018, the then J&K Governor Satyapal Malik revoked the Roshni Act. On October 9 this year, the J&K High Court declared the Roshni Act “illegal, unconstitutional and unsustainable” and ordered a CBI investigation into the wrongdoings. And like that the news of the Roshni scam, labelled as the biggest scam in J&K, started making headlines. 

Since then the Abdullahs, under whose government in J&K the Roshni scheme was initiated, have been under fire as well as many other top leaders from the NC and also the PDP. Several mainstream media outlets have accessed documents indicating that the leaders of the two parties took illegitimate advantage of the Roshni scheme for their vested interests and aimed to alter the demography of the Jammu region through the scheme. 

In accordance with the J&K High Court directive to make the names of the beneficiaries of the controversial scheme public, the UT administration in July released lists of individuals accused of being the dubious owners of land acquired under the scrapped J&K Roshni Act. The lists included the names of former J&K Chief Minister and NC patron Farooq Abdullah, Abdullah’s son and former J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, his brother and NC leader Mustafa Kamal, former J&K Finance Minister Haseeb Drabu and several other prominent names - all of whom are alleged to have illegally benefitted from the Roshni scheme. 

From a nationalistic perspective, the recent developments in J&K augur well for the Modi government and the Indian nationalists who have been on a relentless mission for a long time to expose the vile secessionist forces and bring Kashmir into India’s mainstream. 

Firstly, healthy participation from local Kashmiris in the DDC elections in the post Article 370 abrogation era has reaffirmed the fact that Kashmir wants to progress on the path of stability and development through democratic practices. No matter which way the poll results go, the Indian democracy has already won in Kashmir thanks to the sizeable voter turn out in the DDC polls that are currently taking place. 

Secondly and very significantly, the revelation of the Roshni scam has hit the separatist political parties of Kashmir and the Gupkar gang at just the right time to uncover their nefarious designs further. It is amusing, to say the least, that the NC and the PDP politicians who are under investigation for their alleged involvement in the land scam want the people of Kashmir to believe that they are fighting for the Kashmiri cause and the restoration of J&K’s special status. 

Brick by brick, the castle of sinister anti-India propaganda run by the secessionists is crumbling away. From Farooq Abdullah’s shocking appeal to China to meddle in India’s domestic affairs by helping the separatists in reinstating J&K’s special status to his and scores of other Kashmiri politicians’ names emerging in the Roshini scam, the picture is s clear as it gets. The onus is now on the people of Kashmir to wake up to the stark reality that those they consider to be their role models are not only against the idea of a unified India but also the well being and prosperity of ordinary Kashmiris. 

Modi government’s ‘no-vendetta’ politics 

One strong fact that has emanated from the current situation in Kashmir’s politics is that contrary to the demonic picture of Prime Minister Narendra Modi that the international media and the pseudo-liberal news outlets in India have painted since 2014, the Modi government has never employed any strong-arm tactics against forces such as the Gupkar Gang, or the Kashmiri separatists at large, for their overt and brazen attack on India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. 

Unlike many previous Congress-led union governments and some state governments in present times or the past which have misused the state machinery for political vendetta, the Modi government has never indulged in cheap vindictive stunts against its adversaries. Neither in Kashmir since the scrapping of Article 370 or before that, nor during the sham anti-CAA protests choreographed by the pseudo-secular lobby earlier this year at Shaheen Bagh in New Delhi and elsewhere in the country or during the ongoing misguided farmer protests backed by the Congress, other opposition parties and the anti-Modi camp. 

image source : swarajyamag.com

In spite of a tirade unleashed time and again against the Government of India by the main members of the Gupkar Gang post their release from detention, there has never been a single instance of the illegitimate use of force or intimidation by the Modi government. Instead, the top brass of the NC and the PDP find themselves in the middle of an independent CBI investigation for abusing the Roshni scheme which was meant for the upliftment of the same public these politicians claim to be the representatives of. 

As the CBI investigation into the Roshini scam digs deeper, more details are expected to surface. But the moment of reckoning for the people of Kashmir is now. If they continue to invest their faith in farcical and unscrupulous groups such as the Gupkar Gang, they will be pushed many years back. Therefore, the choice is simple. 

The Gupkar alliance is as hollow politically as it is morally

The first major step towards bringing Jammu and Kashmir into the mainstream since the scrapping of Article 370 in August 2019 came in October this year when the Union Home Ministry announced new land laws for J&K, making common people and investors from outside the region eligible to purchase land in the new union territory.

Under the new law, being a permanent resident of J&K is no longer a criterion for making property-related investments in the UT. In other words, the exclusive rights of permanent residents over land in J&K are now over. 

The new law makes it legal to transfer a piece of land in the region to an individual, business, or institution to establish healthcare and education facilities. However, a bar is placed on agricultural land that can be put into non-agricultural use. Moreover, the upper echelons of the Indian Army can pronounce a zone as a “strategic area” for operational and training requirements of the defence forces. 

After the new law was announced, Kashmir’s political class with separatist leanings - the NC, the PDP and others - expectedly accused the Modi government of trying to disempower and disenfranchise the people of J&K. NC Vice President Omar Abdullah launched a scathing attack on the Centre, claiming that the new amendments had put J&K up for “sale”. 

Nevertheless, the Modi government has upped the ante in Kashmir amid the growing desperation of the separatist Kashmiri politicians to maintain their relevance. The government’s intention is crystal clear. Now that the region has been freed from the shackles of an unwanted and dubious special status, it is time to marginalise the secessionist and anti-India forces in J&K. 

Post their release from preventive detention, the Abdullahs and Mehbooba Mufti have left no stone unturned to sell the unrealistic idea of the restoration of Article 370 to their followers. For the once fire-spewing political figures who have been reduced to shadows of their former selves, the situation has become so grim that in order to avoid disappearing into political obscurity they are now resorting to an absurd promise of engineering the annulment of a constitutionally passed law. Well, good luck with that!

To throw some comic relief into the mix, many representatives and sympathisers of the NC and the PDP celebrated the victory of the Democratic candidate Joe Biden in the recently concluded US presidential election. They revelled in the pipe-dream that the President-elect after taking office will internationalise the Kashmir issue unlike his predecessor Donald Trump and diplomatically arm-twist the Indian government into reversing its position on Article 370, as the Democrats are expected to meddle in India’s internal affairs more as compared to the Republicans.  

In retrospect, the Modi government had given an opportunity to the political fraternity in Kashmir after August 2019 to shun their duplicity and redeem themselves by pledging undisputed allegiance to the Indian constitution under which they have fought elections for decades. But that did not happen. The same old story of India-bashing and nurturing the separatist agenda was repeated, more overtly so, after Omar Abdullah’s release from detention earlier in March. The NC leader made it abundantly clear through his tweets and statements to the media that his party along with other like-minded political players would never accept Kashmir’s joining of the Indian mainstream. 

After coming out of detention, Farooq Abdullah outraged the people of India when he challenged the nation’s sovereignty by appealing to India’s antagonistic western neighbour China for help to bring back Article 370. Seeking foreign support to break Kashmir away from India, Abdullah displayed the audacity to argue that Beijing had not approved of India’s decision to abrogate the discriminatory article. 

But, be that as it may, the Government of India has decided to deal head-on with the renewed wave of separatism in Kashmir. 

Earlier this month, Home Minister Amit Shah lashed out at the protagonists of the Gupkar declaration - a joint statement that expressed resentment and promised protest against a decision by the Government of India to repeal Article 370. The statement was issued a day before the Modi government announced the revocation of the ludicrous law and bifurcated the erstwhile state of J&K into two union territories of J&K and Ladakh on August 4, 2019. In a tweet, Shah unequivocally condemned the actions of what he termed as the “Gupkar Gang” - a coalition of regional and national parties, including the Congress, demanding the restoration of Article 370. He warned the gang to fall in line with the national mood and accept the reality that Kashmir is an integral part of India or gear up to face their political demise. 

 

On the other hand, cracks within the People’s Alliance for Gupkar Declaration (PAGD) aka the Gupkar gang have already become visible. In the run-up to the District Development Council (DDC) election scheduled for November 28, the separatist parties have been overly critical and unaccommodating of one another over the issue of seat-sharing. The chaos is just as conspicuous in the Jammu division as it is in the valley.  

From the nationalist perspective, the DDC election has come at just the right time to further expose the Gupkar gang by making their discord and fragility evident to the public. Some members of the PAGD have gone on record stating that before deciding to participate in the election, the alliance felt apprehensive about their decision being interpreted as an acceptance of the Modi government’s move to rescind J&K’s special status. 

Clearly, the porous Gupkar alliance has soaked itself in the muddy waters of its own ego. This self-serving group that not very long ago considered fighting the DDC polls under the flag of the erstwhile state of J&K has ended up bickering over a few election seats, so much so that this infighting led to the resignation of the PDP patron Muzaffar Hussain Beig from the party. Although as per media reports a consensus over seat-sharing in Kashmir for the few phases of the eight-phase DDC election was reached within the alliance earlier this month, Jammu remained a bone of contention. 

The seat-sharing crisis is only indicative of the greater reality that this unholy alliance is based on the ideology of secession and betrayal is as hollow politically as it is morally. Despite repeated promises by the PAGD actors to their followers that all is well within the alliance, it is apparent that such assurances are far from the truth. 

Not only between the regional players but the seat-sharing crisis has also affected the Gupkar alliance’s relationship with the Congress party, forcing the Congress to admit that a majority of its party leaders, especially from Jammu, wanted to go solo in the DDC election. 

The PAGD has emerged as a nexus between secessionist political parties on one side and the Congress party on the other, which is a compulsive opposer of the Modi government even if its stances hurt India’s national interest and security. This sham alliance that has failed to get its act together over a DDC election can never represent the best interests of J&K. The writing is on the wall for the people of Kashmir. 

Therefore, the choice lies with the Kashmir’s citizenry to decide whether they wish to waste more years of their lives over vague promises and political misguidance at the hands of Kashmir’s separatist political players that constitute anti-India alliances such as the Gupkar gang, or join the Indian mainstream to see J&K shining on the path of development and security.  

image source : jkmedia.net