A dream fulfilled after decades of struggle: Ram Mandir marks the beginning of a new era of Ram Rajya and revival of Hindu cultural nationalism

The power and sanctity of Lord Ram have prevailed. The truth has prevailed. What Hindus and nationalists had for decades been striving for has finally been achieved. Ram Mandir is now a reality.

The historic Ram Mandir bhoomi pujan event in Ayodhya that took place on August 5, 2020 has given India a chance to collectively walk on the glorious path of spiritual awakening. 

The idea of constructing a Ram Mandir is not merely restricted to the exercise of installing a magnificent idol of Lord Ram within the confines of a pristine temple on Ram Janmabhoomi. Ram Mandir is not just another Hindu temple, nor is it simply a symbol of religious faith. It is a beacon of light - the light that spreads Lord Ram’s teachings of Dharma (righteous behaviour). These teachings form the core of the Indian culture, not the Hindu culture alone. Lord Ram is an embodiment of a perfect set of human values - truth, peace, compassion, justice, devotion, sacrifice, empathy, inclusion and collaboration - that are inherent to the Indian ethos. 

The concept of ‘Ram Rajya’, envisaged by Mahatma Gandhi himself, imagined a democratic state having at its heart the set of values mentioned above. This is exactly what India, what Bharat, has always aspired to achieve - a Rajya based on the principles of Lord Ram - the influence of which has remained colossal for thousands and thousands of years. 

But unfortunately, there is a vicious attempt to create a feeling that August 5, 2020 is a dark day in India’s history and the country has been put on a dangerous road that leads to the formation of a ‘Hindu Rashtra’. It follows, then, that being a devoted Hindu in India and building a place of worship is tantamount to jeopardising the life and rights of minorities, especially Muslims. This is the kind of picture that the so-called torchbearers of secularism have been trying to portray - ‘a doomsday scenario for the Indian Muslims’. 

Not only is this logic preposterous, but also insults the very essence of the Indian culture that draws inspiration from the Ramayana. Beyond Hinduism, the principles of Lord Ram constitute the bedrock on which the Indian way of life rests. Righteousness is a common facet among these principles. So how can something that is right be allowed to be portrayed as wrong and harmful?

However, this is not the first time that the Hindu-bashing pseudo-secular lobby has brazenly tried to play the ‘secularism under fire’ card. They have been doing it for decades by systematically feeding into the minds of Muslims and other religious minorities that cultural nationalism is a malaise that will spread to wipe them out from the country. 

The sabotage of Hindu cultural nationalism

The Congress era of political domination in India was instrumental in establishing the party’s version of ‘composite/secular nationalism’ which was strongly supported by like-minded groups and leftist ideologues. This version had no place for Indian nationalism inspired by the Hindu culture. In effect, it had no place for Ram. Hindu cultural nationalism was presented as a threatening antithesis of composite nationalism. 

The Jana Sangh and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) dismissed and challenged this atrocious narrative that formed part of a larger policy of Muslim appeasement. They viewed Indian nationalism not as a hodgepodge of numerous influences from different cultures that had assimilated into India over the centuries but as a manifestation of the ancient Hindu culture that defined the Indian subcontinent and South Asia at large. 

This is not to suggest that the Hindu cultural nationalism belittles other faiths or aims to cause damage to Indian Muslims. Never was this on the agenda of those who championed the Hindu cause or, in a broader sense, the true nationalistic cause. What the Jana Sangh-RSS combine endeavoured to do was revive and consolidate the authentic cultural nationalism, which the Nehru’s Congress had denied to the nation under the garb of “secularism and progression”. The party that ruled India for more than sixty years coaxed the people into believing that the composite culture of the country must be devoid of Hindu cultural nationalism. 

A look back at how the Ram Janmabhoomi movement unfolded

It was in the late 80s that the successor of the Jana Sangh, the Bharatiya Janata Party, began a large-scale perseverant struggle to give Lord Ram his rightful place in Ayodhya. At its Palampur Convention in 1989, the BJP formally adopted a resolution to build the Ram Mandir at Lord Ram’s birthplace in Ayodhya. Throughout the 90s and onwards, Ram Mandir remained a core agenda for the BJP in all its election manifestos. It sent a clear-cut message to the Congress-led Nehruvian-Left lobby that the religious sentiments of Ram Bhakhts could no longer be hurt or overlooked. 

Simultaneously, the VHP and the RSS continued to be in the thick of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement demanding legislation to be brought for the construction of the temple. In 1986, the RSS passed a resolution that urged the then Rajiv Gandhi government at the centre to transfer the rights of the Ram Janmabhoomi site to the Ram Janmabhoomi Trust. The RSS and the VHP had held from the beginning that the Ram Mandir issue was not a legal affair but a matter of faith. Advani’s Rath Yatra from the Somnath Temple in September 1990, which the leftist commentators saw as a political gimmick and a threat to India’s secular credentials, set the tone for a massive movement to salvage the collective Hindu pride and the pride of all nationalistic culturally-upright Indians.

During the 1998-2004 Vajpayee era, coalition compulsions prevented the BJP government at the centre from pursuing a full-blown campaign for the resurrection of Hindu cultural nationalism. Otherwise, the devotees of Lord Ram would perhaps have seen the Ram Mandir built much before 2020. But, while in office, the legendary duo Vajpayee and Advani among other stalwarts of the BJP had foreseen the beginning of a major crusade for establishing Ram Rajya in India. They saw Ram Rajya and Surajya as two sides of the same coin. In fact, the seeds of Ram Rajya had been sown in 1996 during the 13-day Vajpayee 1.0 when the united opposition brought down the country’s first BJP government. Before announcing his resignation on May 28, 1996, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee - while addressing the Low Sabha - made a bold confession that the BJP could not vociferously include issues such as Ram Mandir in its agenda because it lacked a robust mandate. Reading between the lines, the message from the talismanic leader was that once the BJP would emerge with big electoral numbers Ram Mandir on Ram Janmabhoomi would become a reality. 

How the dream was finally fulfilled

Vajpayee’s prophesy was to come true in 2014 when the BJP came to power with a thumping majority under the leadership of Narendra Modi and later again in 2019 with an even stronger blessing from the electorate. 

While the Supreme Court had stayed the Allahabad High Court verdict of 2010 ordering the division of the disputed land into three parts - one-third each to Ram Lalla, Nirmohi Akhara and Sunni Waqf Board - the mood in the country was to see the Court fast track the Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi title suit proceedings. The Modi government vehemently echoed this sentiment. After getting Triple Talaq and Article 370 out of the way and bringing the landmark Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), it was time for a decades-long dispute to come to a peaceful resolution under Modi 2.0 by way of the judgement pronounced by the highest court of the country on November 9, 2019. It was a momentous occasion for all Hindus and nationalists when the Apex Court made the judgment that the land where Lord Ram was born must be handed over for the construction of the Ram Mandir by a government-appointed trust. 

To quote Modi, “The Supreme Court judgement has brought an amicable end to a debate persisting for centuries.” 

And finally, the dream of millions and millions of Ram Bhakts was realised on August 5, 2020 when the Prime Minister laid the foundation stone of the temple. This date marks the dawn of a new consensus in the country that has restored the reverence for Hindu cultural nationalism in the country. 

Jai Siya Ram! Jai Shri Ram! 

image source: business-standard.com

Security of political workers in Kashmir, particularly those belonging to the BJP, is a matter of grave concern that must be addressed but NC and PDP are using the issue to create a new separatist wave

The promising era of ‘Naya Kashmir’ that started after the dumping of Article 370 coupled with the incredible gains the armed forces have made in the valley by exterminating dreaded terrorists in the last few years has put J&K on the path of a positive change. 

But sadly, the blood of political workers devoted to the Indian cause in Kashmir continues to spill unabated and a constant threat to life looms large over all such nationalists. On top of the target-list are mainly those who are affiliated with the BJP. Sheikh Wasim Bari being the most recent example. 

Bari, along with his father Bashir Ahmed and brother Umar Bashir who also happened to be the party’s office-bearers, was shot dead by Lakshar-e-Taiba terrorists in the Bandipora town of North Kashmir on the night of July 9, 2020. Bari, a young Kashmiri politician just 28 years of age, was a popular BJP face in the valley. His killing has raised several questions on the security situation of regional leaders in Kashmir, especially those from the BJP. 

Seven out of the ten security guards deployed for Bari and his family’s safety were suspended on grounds of negligence as they failed to protect him and two of his family members. The attack had taken place within a stone’s throw distance from the main police station and a security forces camp, which justifies the security lapse blame. 

Bari’s story was one of courage, determination, and unadulterated patriotism. He had joined the BJP after the 2014 Assembly elections in J&K in which he fought as an independent candidate but could not be victorious. His dedication and hard work made him a prominent party figure in Bandipora. He was a proud Indian who would openly condemn Pakistani terrorism in Kashmir. As a member of a nationalist party, he had naturally become an eyesore for Jihadi groups operating in the valley. 

The assassination of Sheikh Waseem Bari and his family members has led to a tremendous escalation in fear for BJP members in Kashmir. More than 80 people associated with the party in Jammu and Kashmir, including leaders and party workers, have demanded security cover or upgradation of the same. 

Remember this is not the first time that a BJP leader has been killed by Jihadists in Kashmir the recent past. Gul Mohammad Mir, senior local level BJP leader and district vice-president of the party, was murdered in Anantnag in May 2019. Another BJP district vice-president, Shabir Ahmad Bhat, was killed in Pulwama in August 2018 whereas back in November 2017 a young BJP worker from Shopian named Gowhar Bhat was slaughtered in the name of Jihad. 

The reverberations of increased vulnerability have been recorded even in the BJP’s opposite political camp. The National Conference (NC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) have joined the fray in expressing their fear about political representatives being constantly in the hit list of terror operatives.

The anxiety that has gripped the political fraternity in Kashmir is understandable and so is their demand for enhanced security. Furthermore, it is evident that in the present scenario terror outfits are seen to be targeting both Hindu and Muslims political workers alike - Waseem Bari being the most recent example, while not very long ago Kashmiri Pandit Sarpanch Ajay Pandita was murdered in cold blood by Pakistan backed terror outfit in Kashmir, The Resistance Front (TRF).

Hence, the current circumstances warrant the revisiting of the security-paradigm for local politicians in Kashmir set up by the central government and the J&K administration. Democratic representatives must be provided with an atmosphere of safety and tranquility for them to able to function smoothly in a region that is undergoing political transition. 

It is noteworthy that the security cover of about 500 people in J&K, most of whom were political workers, was removed in March 2019 following a decision taken by the then state administration. This step seems to have done more damage than good. Thus, the need arises for the augmentation of security rather than contraction. More so for the BJP cadre as they are not only seen as ambassadors of democracy but also as the flag-bearers of a nationalist party which stands against anything that challenges or threatens the fact that Kashmir is an integral part of India. 

NC and PDP trying to create a new separatist wave

It is astonishing how the spindoctors sitting in Kashmir are conveniently trying to present the issue of security of political workers as a consequence of the revocation of Article 370. The NC and the PDP have brazenly used the martyrdom of bravehearts like Bari and Pandita to cater to their vested interests. Representatives of the two parties have gone on record claiming that the Modi government’s scrapping of the discriminatory law has led to an environment of insecurity for local leadership in the valley. 

So basically the followers of the Muftis and the Abdullahs, the two political families whose separatists tendencies are well known, are advocating for the lowering of the national flag and giving into Pakistan’s nefarious ambitions. 

These two political parties have always fought elections under the ambit of the Indian Constitution while refusing to join the Indian mainstream. They have no empathy or respect for the martyrs. They never come forward to unequivocally condemn Islamic terror nor do they hold Pakistan directly responsible for continually fomenting trouble in Kashmir. On the contrary, these duplicitous forces have used the gruesome killing of Wasim Bari and his kin as a fresh opportunity to dispute the idea of a united India. It has reinvigorated them to portray Article 370 as some sort of a shield that had been protecting Kashmir for decades until the Modi government decided to repeal it in 2019 resulting in all hell breaking loose. 

The NC and the PDP leadership have always shied away from admitting the involvement of local Kashmiri hand in terror plots. They have been covertly working for decades as the B-team of the Hurriyat. The seditionist and terror-abetting Hurriyat, which has lost its mojo in Kashmir to a great extent after August 2019 and finally having its patron Syed Ali Shah Geelani leave it to fend for itself, has always found its sentiments echoed by the NC and the PDP. And now the two parties are trying to paint a picture of supposed “safety” of political workers that existed in the pre-Article 370 era. This is nothing new but certainly disconcerting given that Kashmir needs to move on from this NC-PDP-Hurriyat cottage industry. 

At a juncture when J&K is looking to usher into a new era of political stability and development, stakeholders like the National Conference are playing a dangerous dual game to consolidate a new narrative in the valley. On the one hand, Farooq Abdullah - after his release from detention - diverts from launching a direct criticism on Modi government’s historic step of doing away with the Article 370 to demanding the restoration of statehood for J&K while his son Omar Abdullah declares abstinence from participating in the electoral process until the Article 370 is restored and the Union Territory of J&K reverts to its erstwhile status of a full-fledged state. 

And on the other hand, the cadre of the same party are raking up emotions by characterising the killings of local leaders as a consequence of the riddance of the unjust law. This is top-level sinister politics aimed at holistically destabilising J&K’s political future. To create friction and unrest, workers of the NC and the PDP have even alleged that the Centre is deliberately not providing security cover to local politicians in Kashmir and instead giving it only to the BJP members.

Therefore, it is safe to argue that a vicious parallel agenda is being run at the behest of the top leadership of the two major political outfits to carry forward the legacy of separatism and detachment using the security situation of local political workers as a prop.

As the region gears up for the resumption of the electoral process, the last thing it wants is an ‘old wine in new bottle’ kind of a situation that entails the NC and the PDP fighting elections while simultaneously using their cadre on the ground to instil and encourage a rebellious emotion within the local population. Should this be allowed to happen, it will serve as a major blow to the Modi government’s efforts of creating a ‘Naya Jammu Kashmir’. 

image source: thehitavada.com