Geelani’s passing ends a dark era of secessionism in Kashmir but it is naive to assume that with it valley’s vile separatist tendencies are now buried

The sordid tale of separatism vis-à-vis Kashmir encompasses several dark chapters and scores of protagonists, who in their farcical struggle for self-determination, left an obnoxious yet indelible impression in the history books. 

One of the principal protagonists of Kashmir’s secessionist movement that left the valley ravaged for decades, Syed Ali Shah Geelani - a man whose name will always remain synonymous with the idea of an Islamic Kashmir without Hindus - breathed his last on September 1, 2020, at his Srinagar residence. He was 91. 

image source : usatoday.com 

His demise pulled the curtain down on an era of belligerent secessionism that powerfully emerged in the 80s as a subset of the sinister anti-India ideology espoused by the pro-Pakistan Hindu-haters in Kashmir. It was marked by a characteristic blueprint of holding the Indian state to ransom while enjoying its benefits and a systematic infusion of seditious sentiments into the minds of the Kashmiri Muslim youth. 

Geelani - the quintessential Islamic separatist, the ‘hartal’ leader and Pakistan’s main man in Kashmir 

Regarded widely as a pioneer of the Jihadist movement in Kashmir, Geelani’s journey as a hardline separatist commenced as far back as the early 1950s with the Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir - an Islamist political outfit that positioned itself on the doctrine that Kashmir was not an integral part of the Indian Union, but rather a disputed territory. A three-time MLA from the Sopore constituency, Geelani quit electoral politics after his last term in the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly from 1987 to 1989. He constituted the Tehreek-e-Hurriyat in 2004 after ending his long-term association with the Jamaat, which he represented at the All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC).

image source : rediff.com

Bringing the valley to a standstill by giving hartal calls at the drop of a hat, or more particularly, each time a terrorist was executed by the Indian forces was the hallmark of the Geelani style of functioning. It turned Kashmir into the hartal capital of India. Geelani’s Tehreek-e-Hurriyat methodically brainwashed ordinary Kashmiris, especially the youth, into becoming a hostile citizenry pitted against their own nation. This antagonism towards India gave birth to a mob mentality that took the shape of a culture of stone-pelting and anarchy which had become endemic in Kashmir’s routine life for many years until the revocation of Article 370. 

Geelani enjoyed greater proximity to Pakistan compared to most other separatists of his time. Toeing the Pakistani line, Geelani dedicated his life to fomenting trouble in the valley by inciting the Kashmiri people in the name of freedom and orchestrating mass anti-India uprisings. So blatant, and substantially effective at the same time, were Geelani’s subversive actions that even the senior NC leaders Omar Abdullah, Sheikh Mustafa Kamal, among others - had blamed Geelani in the past for creating mayhem in Kashmir and for acting at the behest of Pakistan. 

Although Geelani sold the idea of the right to self-determination to the Kashmiri people and publicly held that Kashmir was an internationally accepted disputed region between India and Pakistan, it remained an open secret that his true allegiance lied with Pakistan. He had close ties with the Pakistan High Commission in New Delhi and was often featured as a guest at the consulate events.

On August 14, 2020 - Pakistan’s Independence Day - the Government of Pakistan conferred the country’s highest civilian award, Nishan-e-Pakistan, on Geelani. Pakistan’s appreciation of Geelani’s unrelenting commitment to anti-India activities in the form of an official reward came only days after he announced his resignation from the chairmanship of Tehreek-e-Hurriyat.

Geelani’s influence on Kashmir politics and the region’s politicians

Geelani, and popular separatists of the same feather, exercised an unduly profound influence over Kashmir politics for a prolonged period in the pre-Modi era, so much so that the Hurriyat’s core narrative of challenging Kashmir’s integration with India found a subtle reflection in the narrative of J&K’s mainstream political parties with a national outreach - mainly the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the NC. 

Following the abrogation of the absurd Article 370, political leaders 

from the NC, the PDP and other parties were put on house arrest under the Public Safety Act (PSA) courtesy of the Government of India. It was during this period, and after their release from detention, that the Abdullahs and Mehbooba Mufti, along with other representatives of their parties, started echoing the sentiments of the Hurriyat more openly than ever before. Their expression of reverence for Geelani and synchronisation of thoughts with the Hurriyat went up several notches after the Indian Parliament dumped the special status of the erstwhile state of J&K in August 2019. 

image source : outlookindia.com

Mehbooba Mufti lambasted the Modi Government subsequent to Geelani’s death, calling them “ruthless” for allegedly not allowing Geelani’s kin to “mourn and bid a final farewell as per their wishes”. Mufti’s scathing attack on the GOI came after an FIR was registered against the deceased’s family members by the Budgam police last weekend under provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and the Indian Penal Code (IPC) for draping Geelani’s body in a Pakistani flag during his last rites. 

It simply corroborates that the fabric of ideological similarity between the mainstream politicians of Kashmir and the separatists is, or has always been, so strong that a political leader like Mehbooba Mufti, who fights elections under the banner of the Indian constitution and has previously served as a Chief Minister of the former state of J&K, castigates her country’s government for upholding the law of the land by prosecuting those with anti-national tendencies. However, Mufti maintains a deafening silence when it comes to questioning the mindset of the people who covered Geelani’s body with the flag of an enemy nation when he was laid to rest.   

It is fair to argue that the cottage industry of separatism in Kashmir took a body blow after the Indian Parliament scrapped the ludicrous laws in August 2019 which had left a disconnect between J&K and India for decades. Geelani’s passing has led to the advent of a new phase in J&K wherein the separatist lobby has been reduced to an even feebler state.  

However, it would be naive to assume that secessionist feelings in Kashmir have all but vanished. Modi government must continue to remain cognizant of this reality as they have been so far, for Naya Jammu & Kashmir is a work in progress. 

India must not engage with Pakistan and China backed Taliban, contrary to the expectation of Taliban-sympathisers and flagbearers of Islamophobia

Afghanistan has crumbled. The world has witnessed in the last few weeks a haunting spectacle of a nation succumbing to the idea of the Islamic caliphate. 

Disturbing images of desperate Afghans scrambling to board airplanes after thronging the Kabul airport to flee the country - with a number of them falling to death after latching on to the wings, wheels, or whatever they could of a flying plane - will remain etched in people’s memories for a long time. These incredibly tumultuous visuals have defined the dramatic taking over of Afghanistan by the Taliban forces. 

image source : nytimes.com

Left to fend for itself by its government led by President Ashraf Ghani who eloped overnight as well as the United States after twenty long years of American military presence and that of the allied troops on the Afghan soil, the country now looks down the barrel of dictatorship by a dreaded extremist outfit. How long will the Talibani supremacy reign again in Afghanistan after it was ousted in 2001 following the American invasion of Afghanistan post the 9/11 terror attack is anyone’s guess.

Taliban 2.0 that is - media savvy, does press conferences, congratulates journalists for their coverage of Taliban’s regaining of control over Afghanistan and assures Afghani women of the protection of their rights under the ambit of the Islamic Sharia law - may have cajoled some into thinking that the attitude of the Taliban of 2021 is a marked departure from how it was two decades ago before the commencement of America’s so-called war against terror. 

But history testifies that moderate gestures displayed by dictators - especially those having hardcore religious extremism at the core of their ideology - are only a facade and is only a matter of time before everything goes back to square one as the iron fist slowly withdraws from the velvet glove. 

image source : politico.eu

Already there are footages galore doing the rounds on news channels and social media of Taliban spray-painting images of women pasted on the entrances and walls of showrooms, salons etc. There are unconfirmed reports of Afghan girls being forcibly married to Taliban fighters. The Hazara community, the third-largest ethnic group in Afghanistan belonging to the Shia community, which has faced persecution for decades fears for an escalation in atrocities against it with the Taliban’s advent to power. In the wake of such developments and apprehensions, it is hard to imagine Afghan people, especially women, breathing the air of freedom till the Islamic fanatics continue to hold the reigns of Afghanistan. 

The fact of the matter is that the US under President Joe Biden massively goofed up by pulling its troops out of Afghanistan in the reckless manner that it did, following the US-Taliban peace deal that was signed last year under the then American President Donald Trump. Consequently, Afghanistan is in shambles. More than 180 people, including US marines and soldiers, lost their lives after multiple bomb blasts rocked the Kabul airport last week.

US may have tried to do face-saving by launching attacks on ISIS-K but the damage is done. Furthermore, the new narrative in the US of portraying the Taliban as the lesser evil compared to the other terrorist groups is only a feeble attempt at defending its unthoughtful withdrawal from Afghanistan after two decades. 

The appalling decision-making of the US and its allies has left Afghanistan in a giant mess and it will have global repercussions sooner or later. Regional countries, especially India, will encounter greater security concerns than in the past. 

Lobby's fondness for the Taliban

Here in India, there has been a multitude of astonishing reactions to the Afghan turmoil, yet none more hilarious than those emanating from the country’s anti-Modi political fraternity and the pseudo-secular lobby. 

image source : scroll.in

While the International community is perplexed as to how it must approach the rather inevitable threats to world peace that arise from the Taliban’s resurrected control over Afghanistan and its connections with the more robust terrorist organisations in terms of global reputation, self-proclaimed left-leaning secular experts of international relations have already started batting for India’s engagement with the new Afghan administration in the form of Taliban. 

On the other hand, the world’s ostensibly true liberal and secular nations such as Canada and the European Union have declared that they will not recognise the Taliban as the Afghan government, thereby leaving no room for diplomatic relations with the Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. Therefore, the Taliban sympathisers in India asking for the Modi government’s engagement with the new Afghanistan regime is nothing but absurd. 

Pakistan and China’s patronage for Taliban - a security threat for India 

Taliban shares a history of ideological understanding and strategic collaboration with Pakistan in matters of terror and religious extremism. In fact, the Taliban traces its roots right back to Pakistan where the seeds of its birth were sown much before it made its presence felt big time in Afghanistan in the early 90s. 

For several years the Pakistani Army and the ISI have had strong links with the Haqqani network, one of the biggest terrorist organisations in Afghanistan that originated as a front against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in the 80s and has been behind dozens of terror activities across Afghanistan since 2001. Sirajuddin Haqqani, the Haqqani network founder Jalaluddin Haqqani’s son and the current chief of the organisation, also happens to be the Afghan Taliban’s deputy leader. In such an intertwined scenario wherein Pakistan is a common denominator, how things pan out in Afghanistan from here on will have so much to do with Pakistan playing a silent yet critical role behind the scenes.  

image source : dw.com

On the other hand, China recently criticised the US and its allies for mulling economic sanctions against the Taliban. This came on the back of the US freezing a sum of about $9.5 billion in assets belonging to the Afghan central bank and halting cash shipments to the Taliban-ruled nation. Moreover, Beijing has already declared its intentions to pursue a friendly Taliban policy. 

As conspicuous as it is, two of India’s bitterest foes - Pakistan along the eastern border and China along the western border - are hand in glove with the Taliban. What this means in the context of India’s national security is the easiest of all guesses. 

But to cater to its vested interests, the lobby even entertains the idea of imperilling India’s security situation. The flagbearers of Islamophobia in India and those trying to make a case for the recognition of Taliban as the formal Afghan administration by the Indian government, who constitute a significant section of the pseudo-secular and the pseudo-liberal gang, want India to yield to a possible sinister plot hatched by Pakistan in collaboration with Taliban to destabilise India. Kashmir can be assumed to be an obvious target.  

J&K’s new political order could end decades of political discrimination against Jammu while allowing BJP to recover lost ground in the region

Joined at the hip, historically and culturally, but one discriminated against for years and years while the other prioritised and appeased purely for the sake of wretched political and strategic gains. That is Jammu and Kashmir for you. 

There are a plethora of distinct ways to briefly describe the starkest political realities of J&K in the context of a conspicuous bias against the Jammu division that remained unchecked for decades with Kashmir holding an unfair political advantage over Jammu. 

The abrogation of Article 370 & 35A and the bifurcation of the erstwhile state of J&K in August 2019 took Ladakh out of the equation - a region of the former J&K whose story of discrimination is worse than that of Jammu’s. Ladakh is a comprehensive case study in itself - a task for another day. 

This piece focuses on Jammu and highlights the fact that in the era of Naya Jammu and Kashmir the tide has turned. Undoing the dubious precedents of the past that marred Jammu’s fate has emerged as one of the topmost priorities for the Modi government. At least one can hope so. 

image source : prabhasakshi.com

The developments of recent months that have marked the revival of electoral politics in J&K after a long hiatus promise big things in store for Jammu. Unlike ever in the past, the region is refreshingly being seen as a beneficiary in the new scheme of things. 

From the setting up of the Delimitation Commission in March 2020 to the taking place of the district development council (DDC) elections in late November 2020, the first major electoral exercise since Article 370, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s meeting with the political class of J&K recently in June 2021- the democratic fabric of Jammu and Kashmir has strengthened remarkably since the scrapping of its special status, albeit gradually and steadily. 

The delimitation exercise that has gained momentum lately means that Jammu is set to get a meatier chunk of the legislative assembly by virtue of having more seats added to the region compared to a relatively lower number during the days of J&K’s special status. In effect, when the assembly elections are finally held in the union territory of J&K, government formation could have a greater reliance on the electoral verdict given by the Jammu division.   

Moreover, a decisive role played by Jammu in the polls could also lead to the realisation of a scenario that was rather unimaginable until a couple of years ago - the possibility of J&K getting a Chief Minister from Jammu for the first time, putting a genuine end to what remained so far as Kashmir’s perpetual supremacy over the chair. Such a scenario would not just please Jammuites no end but also create an unprecedentedly fair condition of putting Jammu’s own representative at the helm of affairs, thereby remedying the blunders of the past to a great extent.

Jammu’s history of blatant discrimination 

While it is all very well to celebrate the start of a shining era of political propriety in J&K courtesy of the Centre’s remedial blueprint, this is also the juncture to look retrospectively and understand how there lasted for decades a systematic and methodical approach towards not treating Jammu and Kashmir as two sides of the same coin. 

On the contrary, there was a concerted endeavour in accordance with the designs of an obnoxious strategy to ensure that a step-motherly treatment at all levels was meted out to Jammu whereas Kashmir continued to be put on the frontburner. Make no mistake, preferential treatment to the valley was not extended out of a spirit of patriotism or Kashmiri nationalism by Kashmir’s political fraternity and anti-India secessionists but solely to let Kashmir grow as a cottage industry of separatism and sedition.   

image source : outlookindia.com

Those who reaped a golden harvest from this sinisterly induced dichotomy between the two divisions of the former J&K state were the political outfits such as the National Conference (NC), the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), and the like - which toed the Indian line while politicking in New Delhi and reverted to their original stance of conditional integration with India in order to cater to their vote bank in the valley. Consequently, Jammu had to be at the receiving end of this covert secessionism which cost the region dearly. 

BJP and Jammu - the reviving connect 

How things pan out for the BJP in Jammu in the new political order is a matter of much intrigue. Jammu was never a traditional bastion for the BJP. The party’s arch-rival the Congress and the regional heavyweight the NC had a far stronger influence in Jammu for a prolonged period of time than the BJP. 

image source : dnaindia.com

However, the consistent rise of Narendra Modi at a national level translated into a change of fortunes in Jammu for the BJP. Under Modi’s leadership, the BJP scored a historic mandate in the 2014 J&K legislative assembly polls by winning 25 seats in the 87 member house. It eventually led to the BJP joining hands with the PDP, marking the former’s debut as a coalition partner in the J&K government. However, the post-poll BJP-PDP alliance in J&K failed to stand the test of time as the BJP pulled out of the J&K government in June 2018. But by then the BJP’s decision to align with fringe secessionists in the form of the PDP had dented the party’s image to a certain degree in Jammu’s nationalistic circles. 

Nevertheless, the Modi government’s nationalistic move of abolishing Article 370 has somewhat recovered lost ground for the BJP in Jammu, which has quintessentially always remained a pro-India zone in sharp contrast to the turbulent and separatism ravaged Kashmir. Could this swing the pendulum in the BJP’s favour come the assembly polls in the J&K UT, only time will tell. 

These are fascinating times for Jammu and Kashmir, and one would hope for a balance to strike between the two divisions in all aspects, not just political. 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 


As Modi government’s J&K policy gradually introduces unprecedented political stability in the region, the time to deliver on promises made to Kashmiri Pandits is now

What used to happen in Jammu and Kashmir in the past, especially politically, would barely ever stay or sustain in Jammu and Kashmir.

But are we now witnessing a refreshing paradigm shift in the political dynamics of J&K, albeit gradual and periodic, which will ultimately allow J&K to advance into a state of political tranquility for its own greater good?… For those who understand the difference between the J&K of pre-August 2019 and the contemporary J&K, the answer would most likely be a resounding yes. 

By all means, it seems that glimpses of political stability, and the much-needed political parity between the two regions, have started to appear on the horizon after decades of chaos and discrimination. 

It is courtesy of a series of positive developments that have taken place post the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A in August 2019, with the commencement of the delimitation process being the latest case in point. 

However, one of the pressing debates amid all this has been: whether or not the Modi government could have shown greater alacrity towards restoring the political process in J&K? After the scrapping of the special status of the erstwhile state of J&K, why did the Centre have to wait for almost two years to formally kickstart the delimitation exercise with much zeal and not merely for optics? … A legitimate debate for sure. 

image source : aljazeera.com

However, while acknowledging the legitimacy of the debate, it is only imperative to ascertain whether the argument holds water - especially in the context of as perplexing and complex an idea as J&K - so as to warrant wholesale criticism of the Modi government’s Kashmir approach. 

Commentators with partisan interests may not admit the reality but it does not take a mind with supreme political acumen to realise that the last two years have seen a steady and systematic marginalisation of secessionist voices in Kashmir, primarily those that masquerade as the mainstream Kashmiri political leadership. 

Revocation of J&K’s dubiously special status was a constitutional move that gave the final and incontestable stamp on the complete integration of the region with the rest of India. However, the task was not finished there. A combination of foresight and patience was required to usher in a promising new era of Naya Jammu and Kashmir, accompanied by the all-important message that the otherwise perpetually running cottage industry of separatism operated by, among others, the National Conference (NC), the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the overt secessionists like Hurriyat had no place in the reinvented scheme of things unless they vowed undiluted and unequivocal loyalty to the Indian Constitution. 

The job is far from over yet but the progress made so far only leads to an anticipation of positive developments in months to come. This was evident during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent meeting in New Delhi with the so-called stakeholders of J&K including the Abdullahs, the Muftis and the others. Notwithstanding the assertiveness and reiteration of the demand for restoration of Article 370/35A in the post-meeting media briefings, a sense of surrender to the advent of a novel and refreshing chapter in the story of Jammu and Kashmir was conspicuous in the body language of all the Kashmiri leaders present at the gathering. Now if this sense of surrender is not a significant victory in itself, it is difficult to tell what is. 

With the Modi government putting its foot on the gas to resurrect electoral politics in J&K at all levels, delimitation being a major step towards it, it will eventually pave the way for the return of full statehood status for the present union territory. 

image source : ndtv.com

Therefore, for those who frequently lambast the government for designing a “failed” or “lacklusture” Kashmir policy after the historic August 2019 development in the Indian Parliament, the answer is summarised in one of the earlier paragraphs in this piece. The Jammu and Kashmir of 2021 with regional political players reflecting the same old mindset of taking the Constitution of India for a ride would have been like old wine in a new bottle, entirely defeating the purpose of bringing J&K into the Indian mainstream and rescuing it from the clutches of a preposterous law that consistently sabotaged the former state for decades. 

The cause of the Kashmiri Pandits and the Modi government’s time to deliver 

For the Modi government, what must stand as a big priority, if not the biggest, in the Naya Jammu and Kashmir is walking the talk as far as restoring the lost pride of the Kashmiri Pandits through their rehabilitation is concerned. The rectification of J&K’s political landscape means nothing unless what is long overdue is given to the KPs, which is an honourable return to their homeland. 

The scars of Islamic terror inflicted on the Pandit community run deep and cannot be healed easily. Moreover, empty hopes and false promises made over the years by successive governments have only dented the faith of the KPs in the establishment further. The Modi government’s Kashmir policy came as a ray of positive change for the KPs which must translate into a substantial result as the Centre has been promising the Kashmiri Pandits the stars and the moon since 2014.

image source : thewire.in

Some KP representative groups expressed displeasure over not being invited to participate in the meeting in New Delhi which PM Modi held with the political class of J&K earlier in June. Although the disappointment over not being made a part of what was essentially a political meeting is debatable, there are no ways about the fact that KPs are the true stakeholders of Kashmir with their stake far more pronounced than that of Kashmir’s political leadership. 

The Pandit community has endured the worst form of persecution since the late 80s that marked the onset of radical Islamic terror in Kashmir aimed at wiping out the minority Hindu community from the valley. It was followed by the apathetic attitude of people at the higher echelons of power primarily because KPs do not constitute a sizeable vote bank. 

Hence, the buck stops with the Modi government to convert seven years of repeated assurances into a concrete outcome that works in favour of the cause of the Kashmiri Pandits. Constituting a special framework, unlike any other in the past, which is specifically dedicated to the issue of rehabilitation of KPs could be an ideal step at this juncture and it must happen in tandem with the revival of electoral politics in J&K. 

One can predict that there are interesting times up ahead in J&K politics and the Pandit community will hope that their faith in PM Modi, and his government, gets rewarded sooner rather than later.